youth activist captured..

[gikapoy]

---

mao na... kanang mga nurse dapat mo adto ug health center para mo trabaho.. dili mo saka sa bukid para mag rebelde

[KASAAC]

sa akoa napud nga opinion,at first thought kita tanan matawag rebelde sa nasod kay wala man gud kita makauyon more on 50 percent nga serbisyo og pamalakad nga dapat unya natong matagamtaman gikan sa gobyerno nga gikan unta sa mga tax nato og uban pa dihang pundo gikan...nalipay ba kita?wala for sure the answer..rebelde na kita sa huna2x pero wala pa sa lihok...

ang ilahang gibuhat gipadayon nila kini gumikan sa lihok kay sa lihok magsugod ang pag-umol sa mga damgo og paglaom nga ma kongkreto ang idealismo sa usag-usa...

ako dako kong supak aning pag rebelde..pero ang kinahanglan aning mga kabatan-unan ang pag-sabot dili ang pagtunglo nila kun dili ang angayon natong itunglo ang ilahang gipangbuhat nga makadaot sa katawhan..angayan sila sabton og angayan pasabton paagi sa rehabilitasyon..swerte mo nga wala mabutang aning sitwasyon kay kusog inyohang pagtoo sa gobyerno og dili kamo madala dayon...
pero para aning mga bata-a?andam ba kamong misabot nila?kita tanan mga igsoon lang og dapat magsinabtanay...ingon ana na sila kay sila mismo biktima sa kagubot sa huna-huna og sa katilingban..

dapat mo extend unta ang gobyerno nato labi na sa pag soporta sa edukasyon sa mga tawo nga naa sa kawad-on..og housing sa mga pobreng walay mapuy-an nga biktima sa pamulitiko nga nga na squatter..investment nga proyekto nga daghan ang makatrabaho...og pagsuporta sa agriculture,education,employment,housing,safety.og mahatag ni tanan sa gobyerno sa tarong panghuna-huna sa tawo,mo rebelde pa kaha ka?

sabton nato og tabangon ang natimpahawak sa laing dalan nga kaigsoonan kay gikinahanglan ta nila..


amen..opinion ni nako og peace!!!kita tanan!!!

as for me, ang dapat lang jud basulon kaning mga taga goberyno nato nga mga abusado kay kung walay pagpanikas, panamak, paglabaw, pagpangawat sa kaban sa nasud gikan sa mga katawhan wla man jud mag ingon ana ba...angay ra jud pamatyon ning mga taga goberyno nga halang kaayo ug kaluluwa...kung e voice out pud sa usa ka activist ang iyang distaste sa evident kaau nga pangpangawkaw nga ginabuhat sa mga taga goberyno, ai mag ihap nalang tah kay dili jud magdugay yatap dayun, ma missing in action lang ug kalit...samot managhan ang mga activist sa atong nasud...ang mga tawo nga nagprovoke sa mga youth to be an activist maoy angayan lang pamatyon...ibala ba kaha sa kanyon

[nirdle_phogi]

na mo-puot na sad mga dunggan sa taga UP cebu ani.. haha. joke, walay mo-react hap.

[radiostar]

may gani wala ka ni apil sir,,

padayon karlo!

LF-LF-LFS
tunay palaban makabayan!

[Jerry Michael]

True. But myopic. But then most of you people haven't read the PSR.

-RODION

Here's the link for those who wants to read it.

Philippine Society & Revolution

[jamesgalejames]

as for me, ang dapat lang jud basulon kaning mga taga goberyno nato nga mga abusado kay kung walay pagpanikas, panamak, paglabaw, pagpangawat sa kaban sa nasud gikan sa mga katawhan wla man jud mag ingon ana ba...angay ra jud pamatyon ning mga taga goberyno nga halang kaayo ug kaluluwa...kung e voice out pud sa usa ka activist ang iyang distaste sa evident kaau nga pangpangawkaw nga ginabuhat sa mga taga goberyno, ai mag ihap nalang tah kay dili jud magdugay yatap dayun, ma missing in action lang ug kalit...samot managhan ang mga activist sa atong nasud...ang mga tawo nga nagprovoke sa mga youth to be an activist maoy angayan lang pamatyon...ibala ba kaha sa kanyon

sakto jud ka bro,sila rajud nakaingon ani...
sila man gani mamaligya og bala sa mga bandido...
kung gusto unta silag tarong dapat magtinarong sad unta sila sa pagdala sa nasud
.tinuod manang pagasultihon nga,dili tanan tawo imohang mapalipay pero ang importante lang
maka-ayo sa kadaghanan...sa kani ilahang gibuhat nganong daghan pamang pamilya sa pinas nga swerte lang gani makakaon og kaduha sa usa ka adlaw;wala pay labot snacks ani..hehehhe...
naa pa diay uban mag snacks nalang kausa sa usa ka adlaw..pagka faita...
ang uban diha 1million pesos usa ka panihapon..hehhee
naa pajud nga infomercial nga minilyon pa ang kantidad taga adlaw...
dakpon paka sa LTO og overloading 1.5K..hahaha...no stopping pila?no parking pila?
no loading og unloading pila?pila ray makawarta sa mga driver karon sa usa ka adlaw og pamasada?
unsa kakuyaw mamasahero karon?mokita lang og 300 to 500 pesos a day unya dakpon balig 1K..
short na kaau...nganong ang mga taga LTFRB ag sige man og pang release og franchise?naa bay sindikato ni?klaro na kaau bisan sa manila kadaghan BUses ngadto magdagan sa Higway hapit molibo usa ka adlaw...wala pa nbila huna2x-a nga mameligro samot ang kalsada sa pag ilugay sa mga driver para makaabot og kota sa bus anang adlawa..kinsay nadatu?operator!!..kinsay nag sindikato og franchise para mag sigeg release?sakto ka LTFRB!!! walay lain nga pinakadakong sindikato sa transportation og ikaduha ang LTO ana....hahayz...dili mabuak imohang kasing2x ani?ang imohang papa sa imohang lolo nga naghandom nga mausab ang pilipinas og hangtod karon mangapo ka nalang hapit nagka-ot2x na hinuon tag maau...malipay kaha ka?wala nako birahi ang tawo sa gobyerno kun dili ang gipangbuhat nga dili maau sa mga tawo sa gobyerno...
bisan si kinsa nato kahibalo na unsay angay buhaton para makab-ot nato atoang gipangandoy....
sige tag pangandoy pero mga kwangol sa gobyerno sige lang og gasto sa kwarta..palit og auto..balay..negosyo...buhi sa kabit...hahayzzzz...makapa-eskwela pa sa mga anak sa gawas nasud..

faita pamanlandungon aning sitwasyon....
kay dili man ta rebelde...mag-antos nalang ta...
ang mga rebelde gipagawas nila ang dapat ilahang dapat protektahan.
wala ko mag-ingon mag ingon mag rebelde ta pero gi outlay lang nako ang sitwasyon nga dili ta makabasol sa atoang kaigsoonan nga miliko og laing dalan,bisan unsa pa sila sa mata sa katilingban karon dapat nato huna2x-on nga pinoy gihapon sila og kadugo nato.nagkinahanglan sila nato sa atoang pagsabot..tibuok gobyerno og katawhan nga nag langkob ani..

peace na unta tang tanan..og mga kwangol sa gobyerno makilatan unta kamo..og tinuod man gani
ang impyerno,inyoha unta ang pinaka-init nga part..pra dili na mainitan ang uban nga naa sa taas..

[Jerry Michael]

But then most of you people haven't read the PSR.

-RODION

Here's the link for those who wants to read it... Good read! Salamat Ka Amado Guerrero

Philippine Society and Revolution


Philippine Society and Revolution

Hundreds of thousands of youth were stepping into activist ranks, "turning the whole country," as Sison put it, into one gigantic classroom."14 The overwhelming need of the moment was for an educational tool which would channel this crackling energy into the correct theory and practice of the national-democratic revolution. Philippine Society and Revolution, by Amado Guerrero, Chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, appeared in July 1970 to fill this need.

PSR, as the book came to be called, was immediately recognized for what it was: a work that culminated the cultural revolution which had been sweeping Philippine society and thinking since the mid-sixties. Though Guerrero cautioned that it was only a first step in the application of historical-materialist analysis to Philippine history, PSR was a bold, brilliant, and sweeping theoretical enterprise which drew out the concrete dynamics of the laws of contradiction in Philippine social and national development from the pre-Hispanic period to the present. Deepening the ideas first presented by Sison's Struggle for National Democracy, Guerrero showed how the laws of autonomous social development had been disrupted and distorted in the Philippines by the intrusion, first of Spanish colonialism, then of U.S. imperialism. The engine of historical motion thus became the contradiction between the people and imperialism and the parasitic domestic classes that constituted its social base. Revolt and rebellion against colonialism and imperialism, Guerrero demonstrated, was a constant in Philippine history. But until the masses appropriated the science of social liberation, Marxism-Leninism, and followed the leadership of the most advanced social class in the era of imperialist and capitalist decline, the working class, no effort at genuine national liberation could succeed. From the perspective of historical materialism, then, the present revolutionary movement is simply the subjective, conscious, and scientific expression of the objective laws of development which were pushing the Filipino nation up to a higher level of social development national democracy.

With its masterful and consistent use of class theory to synthesize a whole range of empirical and historical data, PSR revolutionized Philippine history and social science, field that previously had been dominated by colonial development theories, superficial nationalistic analyses, or bloodless expositions of empirical facts. Academics were forced to take note, and even the Hong Kong-based international business organ, Far Eastern Economic Review, had to pay PSR the backhanded tribute of being a "work of flawed brilliance."15

PSR, however, was not written to be principally an academic work (nor was its circulation confined to the salons frequented by the limousine radicals that Guerrero despised so much). It was, first and foremost, a popular educational tool, a basic primer for national-democratic activists. Mass-distributed in mimeographed form and coming out in both English and Pilipino, PSR immediately became the indispensable workbook of thousands of "dg's" (discussion groups) conducted among students, professionals, workers, peasants, and urban poor in the feverish two years before martial law. As such, its role in recruiting and consolidating thousands of national-democratic activists was immense.

PSR was written in a period of deepening crisis of the system of bourgeois political control. It in fact warned that sooner or later the ruling class would be forced to shift its class dictatorship from the parliamentary, formal democratic form to the openly repressive fascist type. Two years later, on September 22, 1972, Marcos imposed martial law, with the aim, as he put it, of "saving the Republic from the Communist Rebellion."

While the fascist dictator undoubtedly exaggerated the immediate threat posed by the national-democratic movement to the system of imperialist control, it was nevertheless significant that by 1972, the Left had already reemerged as a principal actor in Philippine politics and was already recognized as the most critical long-term threat to the neocolonial machinery. Led by a party equipped with a correct political line, uncompromising revolutionary commitment and creative methods of organizing, it had taken the Left merely eight years since the founding of Kabataang Makabayan in 1964 to purge itself of revisionist influence and emerge once again a viable alternative for the Filipino masses to rally around.

Martial law proved the correctness of the priority which the national-democratic movement, led by the Party, had assigned to armed struggle and clandestine organization. With the destruction of most forms of legal, bourgeois-democratic opposition, the CPP and the NPA emerged as the only organizations capable of organizing a nationwide resistance to martial law. This was not easy. In the cities, national-democratic mass organizations like KM and the Movement for a Democratic Philippines (MDP) were in disarray, with thousands of activists either jailed or in hiding. In the countryside, the reactionary army launched fierce encirclement-and-suppression campaigns against NPA bases in the farnorthern Cagayan Valley and in the Bicol region, uprooting some 50,000 peasants in an effort to drain these areas of the masses and convert them into free-fire zones in the Vietnam manner.

Supported by the firm but resilient organizational structures of the Party and the NPA, the movement survived the regime's hammerblows in the period 1972-73. In order to advance, however, political practice needed to be guided by theoretical and political understandings which matched the new conditions of struggle. To this challenge, Amado Guerrero and the leadership of the Party responded swiftly and evolved a bold political and military strategy to propel the national-democratic revolution forward in the context of all-out fascist and imperialist repression. This strategy, the product of deep knowledge of the experience of people's war, was synthesized in Amado Guerrero's Specific Characteristics of Our People's War, which appeared on December 1, 1974.

Specific Characteristics of Our People's War

Specific is a rich, multifaceted document. At the same time that it deepened the process of rooting Marxism-Leninism in the particularities of the Philippines, it offered lessons of revolutionary practice for movements in other archipelagic countries.

Its main contribution lies in its exciting application of the general lessons of protracted people's war to Philippine conditions. On the surface, according to Guerrero, it might seem that because of its fragmented island character and the absence of contiguous borders with friendly countries which might serve as rearguard areas, waging people's war might seem to be an impossible task in the Philippines. However, this fatalistic notion which had been advanced by the old revisionist leadership of the PKP in order to justify its embrace of the "parliamentary route to socialism," could be overcome if the country's island character and other apparent geographical constraints on people's war were turned into its strengths. In masterful dialectical fashion, Guerrero showed that by adopting to, rather than resisting, the archipelagic character of the country and creating a number of guerrilla fronts on major islands, the NPA could force the enemy to disperse its forces and prevent it from concentrating them on one central base area. Moreover, "the mountainous character of the country countervails its archipelagic character from the start." The mountain ranges which crisscrossed the major islands could be turned into a great advantage by converting them into bases from which guerrilla units could maintain political and military influence on a number of provinces bordering its range. Especially when populated by sympathetic mountainfolk, mountainous areas offered singularly difficult fighting terrain for regular enemy troops.

Armed with these and other path-breaking theoretical insights, CPP and NPA cadres have been able to rapidly fan out to nine regions and twenty fighting fronts throughout the country, covering especially the major islands of Luzon, Samar, Panay, Negros, and the key island of Mindanao, where the NPA and the fraternal Bangsa Moro Army of the National Liberation Front have forced the reactionary army to divide its forces in a debilitating two-front war. To overcome the constraints imposed by geographical dispersion, the CPP and the NPA have evolved the organizational principle of "decentralized operations and centralized political leadership." Regional bodies, in other words, are expected to exercise a great deal of self-reliance and local initiative, while subject to general political guidelines issued by the center on Luzon island.

While emphasizing the priority of armed struggle in the countryside, the "weakest link" of the enemy, Guerrero did not neglect to underline the importance of building up a broad and effective urban resistance movement:

"We should excel in combining legal, illegal, and semilegal activities through a widespread and stable underground. A revolutionary underground developing beneath democratic and legal or semilegal activities should promote the well-rounded growth of revolutionary forces, serve to link otherwise isolated parts of the Party and the people's army at every level and prepare the ground for popular uprisings in the future and for the advance of the people's army."

National-democratic activists swiftly rebounded from the initial blows of martial law and, since 1973, they have led in the effort to forge or strengthen semilegal or illegal human rights monitoring bodies, slumdwellers' protective associations, labor unions, and student organizations. The power of this underground network first surfaced in late 1975, when workers in Manila launched a one-year long wave of over 400 strikes, with the open support of a varied movement of students, religious and urban poor. At the same time, a string of huge demonstrations unfolded in the period 1976-78, hitting the regime every time it tried to launch a major initiative to legitimize its repressive rule and progressively incorporating more and more people in spite of the savage repression-and-dispersal operations mounted by the Marcos security police. When the dictator relaxed martial-law restrictions on the freedom of assembly and called "elections" to the National Assembly on April 7, 1978 in order to touch up his tattered international image, the sight of the 200,000-person rallies that the anti-fascist movement was able to mount threw him into such panic that he totally undermined his propaganda objectives by violently beating down the people and even imprisoning the anti-fascist candidates.

In 1966, Jose Maria Sison asserted that the challenge to his generation was "to have the idea of the national-democratic revolution transformed into a material force." Thirteen years later, the idea of national democracy has become an overwhelming reality. The creative and bold use of revolutionary theory combined with courageous and determined practice has made the National Democratic Front a material force cutting across all progressive social classes and extending from the far northern province of Cagayan to the far southern province of Davao del Sur. The fact that the repression of martial law has spurred the geometric growth of the movement since 1972 assures us that revolutionary theory has indeed become an invincible force rooted in increasing numbers of the Filipino masses.

To conclude, the consistent employment of theory to guide practice and practice to enrich revolutionary theory has been one of the principal strengths of the Philippine Revolution. Perhaps, no documents illustrates this dialectical relationship more clearly than Philippine Society and Revolution and Specific Characteristics of Our People's War. We in the International Association of Filipino Patriots are proud in offering to the international public these two major works from the theoretical arsenal of the Philippine Revolution.

Author's Introduction

Philippine Society and Revolution is an attempt to present in a comprehensive way from the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought the main strands of Philippine history, the basic problem of the Filipino people, the prevailing social structure and the strategy and tactics and class logic of the revolutionary solution - which is the people's democratic revolution.

This book serves to explain why the Communist Party of the Philippines has been reestablished to arouse and mobilize the broad masses of the people, chiefly the oppressed and exploited workers and peasants, against U.S. imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism now regnant in the present semicolonial and semifeudal society.

Philippine Society and Revolution can be used as a primer and can be studied in three consecutive or separate days by those interested in knowing the truth about the Philippines and in fighting for the genuine national and democratic interests of the entire Filipino people. The author offers this book as a starting point for every patriot in the land to make further class analysis and social investigation as the basis for concrete and sustained revolutionary action.

Amado Guerrero
Chairman, Central Committee
Communist Party of the Philippines

July 30, 1970

[unsay_ngalan_nimo]

do they know what they are getting into?

well anyway if they are fighting for their ideology they might as well stand their ground and not try to hide what they were doing there by saying they were on a medical mission..

the saddest part about communism is those who push for them dont know what its really like to be a proletariat...

so much for workers of the world unite you have nothing to lose but your chains... but then again we must remember Rousseau said man is born free but everywhere he is in chains...

[jamesgalejames]

Here's the link for those who wants to read it... Good read! Salamat Ka Amado Guerrero

Philippine Society and Revolution


Philippine Society and Revolution

Hundreds of thousands of youth were stepping into activist ranks, "turning the whole country," as Sison put it, into one gigantic classroom."14 The overwhelming need of the moment was for an educational tool which would channel this crackling energy into the correct theory and practice of the national-democratic revolution. Philippine Society and Revolution, by Amado Guerrero, Chairman of the Communist Party of the Philippines, appeared in July 1970 to fill this need.

PSR, as the book came to be called, was immediately recognized for what it was: a work that culminated the cultural revolution which had been sweeping Philippine society and thinking since the mid-sixties. Though Guerrero cautioned that it was only a first step in the application of historical-materialist analysis to Philippine history, PSR was a bold, brilliant, and sweeping theoretical enterprise which drew out the concrete dynamics of the laws of contradiction in Philippine social and national development from the pre-Hispanic period to the present. Deepening the ideas first presented by Sison's Struggle for National Democracy, Guerrero showed how the laws of autonomous social development had been disrupted and distorted in the Philippines by the intrusion, first of Spanish colonialism, then of U.S. imperialism. The engine of historical motion thus became the contradiction between the people and imperialism and the parasitic domestic classes that constituted its social base. Revolt and rebellion against colonialism and imperialism, Guerrero demonstrated, was a constant in Philippine history. But until the masses appropriated the science of social liberation, Marxism-Leninism, and followed the leadership of the most advanced social class in the era of imperialist and capitalist decline, the working class, no effort at genuine national liberation could succeed. From the perspective of historical materialism, then, the present revolutionary movement is simply the subjective, conscious, and scientific expression of the objective laws of development which were pushing the Filipino nation up to a higher level of social development national democracy.

With its masterful and consistent use of class theory to synthesize a whole range of empirical and historical data, PSR revolutionized Philippine history and social science, field that previously had been dominated by colonial development theories, superficial nationalistic analyses, or bloodless expositions of empirical facts. Academics were forced to take note, and even the Hong Kong-based international business organ, Far Eastern Economic Review, had to pay PSR the backhanded tribute of being a "work of flawed brilliance."15

PSR, however, was not written to be principally an academic work (nor was its circulation confined to the salons frequented by the limousine radicals that Guerrero despised so much). It was, first and foremost, a popular educational tool, a basic primer for national-democratic activists. Mass-distributed in mimeographed form and coming out in both English and Pilipino, PSR immediately became the indispensable workbook of thousands of "dg's" (discussion groups) conducted among students, professionals, workers, peasants, and urban poor in the feverish two years before martial law. As such, its role in recruiting and consolidating thousands of national-democratic activists was immense.

PSR was written in a period of deepening crisis of the system of bourgeois political control. It in fact warned that sooner or later the ruling class would be forced to shift its class dictatorship from the parliamentary, formal democratic form to the openly repressive fascist type. Two years later, on September 22, 1972, Marcos imposed martial law, with the aim, as he put it, of "saving the Republic from the Communist Rebellion."

While the fascist dictator undoubtedly exaggerated the immediate threat posed by the national-democratic movement to the system of imperialist control, it was nevertheless significant that by 1972, the Left had already reemerged as a principal actor in Philippine politics and was already recognized as the most critical long-term threat to the neocolonial machinery. Led by a party equipped with a correct political line, uncompromising revolutionary commitment and creative methods of organizing, it had taken the Left merely eight years since the founding of Kabataang Makabayan in 1964 to purge itself of revisionist influence and emerge once again a viable alternative for the Filipino masses to rally around.

Martial law proved the correctness of the priority which the national-democratic movement, led by the Party, had assigned to armed struggle and clandestine organization. With the destruction of most forms of legal, bourgeois-democratic opposition, the CPP and the NPA emerged as the only organizations capable of organizing a nationwide resistance to martial law. This was not easy. In the cities, national-democratic mass organizations like KM and the Movement for a Democratic Philippines (MDP) were in disarray, with thousands of activists either jailed or in hiding. In the countryside, the reactionary army launched fierce encirclement-and-suppression campaigns against NPA bases in the farnorthern Cagayan Valley and in the Bicol region, uprooting some 50,000 peasants in an effort to drain these areas of the masses and convert them into free-fire zones in the Vietnam manner.

Supported by the firm but resilient organizational structures of the Party and the NPA, the movement survived the regime's hammerblows in the period 1972-73. In order to advance, however, political practice needed to be guided by theoretical and political understandings which matched the new conditions of struggle. To this challenge, Amado Guerrero and the leadership of the Party responded swiftly and evolved a bold political and military strategy to propel the national-democratic revolution forward in the context of all-out fascist and imperialist repression. This strategy, the product of deep knowledge of the experience of people's war, was synthesized in Amado Guerrero's Specific Characteristics of Our People's War, which appeared on December 1, 1974.

Specific Characteristics of Our People's War

Specific is a rich, multifaceted document. At the same time that it deepened the process of rooting Marxism-Leninism in the particularities of the Philippines, it offered lessons of revolutionary practice for movements in other archipelagic countries.

Its main contribution lies in its exciting application of the general lessons of protracted people's war to Philippine conditions. On the surface, according to Guerrero, it might seem that because of its fragmented island character and the absence of contiguous borders with friendly countries which might serve as rearguard areas, waging people's war might seem to be an impossible task in the Philippines. However, this fatalistic notion which had been advanced by the old revisionist leadership of the PKP in order to justify its embrace of the "parliamentary route to socialism," could be overcome if the country's island character and other apparent geographical constraints on people's war were turned into its strengths. In masterful dialectical fashion, Guerrero showed that by adopting to, rather than resisting, the archipelagic character of the country and creating a number of guerrilla fronts on major islands, the NPA could force the enemy to disperse its forces and prevent it from concentrating them on one central base area. Moreover, "the mountainous character of the country countervails its archipelagic character from the start." The mountain ranges which crisscrossed the major islands could be turned into a great advantage by converting them into bases from which guerrilla units could maintain political and military influence on a number of provinces bordering its range. Especially when populated by sympathetic mountainfolk, mountainous areas offered singularly difficult fighting terrain for regular enemy troops.

Armed with these and other path-breaking theoretical insights, CPP and NPA cadres have been able to rapidly fan out to nine regions and twenty fighting fronts throughout the country, covering especially the major islands of Luzon, Samar, Panay, Negros, and the key island of Mindanao, where the NPA and the fraternal Bangsa Moro Army of the National Liberation Front have forced the reactionary army to divide its forces in a debilitating two-front war. To overcome the constraints imposed by geographical dispersion, the CPP and the NPA have evolved the organizational principle of "decentralized operations and centralized political leadership." Regional bodies, in other words, are expected to exercise a great deal of self-reliance and local initiative, while subject to general political guidelines issued by the center on Luzon island.

While emphasizing the priority of armed struggle in the countryside, the "weakest link" of the enemy, Guerrero did not neglect to underline the importance of building up a broad and effective urban resistance movement:

"We should excel in combining legal, illegal, and semilegal activities through a widespread and stable underground. A revolutionary underground developing beneath democratic and legal or semilegal activities should promote the well-rounded growth of revolutionary forces, serve to link otherwise isolated parts of the Party and the people's army at every level and prepare the ground for popular uprisings in the future and for the advance of the people's army."

National-democratic activists swiftly rebounded from the initial blows of martial law and, since 1973, they have led in the effort to forge or strengthen semilegal or illegal human rights monitoring bodies, slumdwellers' protective associations, labor unions, and student organizations. The power of this underground network first surfaced in late 1975, when workers in Manila launched a one-year long wave of over 400 strikes, with the open support of a varied movement of students, religious and urban poor. At the same time, a string of huge demonstrations unfolded in the period 1976-78, hitting the regime every time it tried to launch a major initiative to legitimize its repressive rule and progressively incorporating more and more people in spite of the savage repression-and-dispersal operations mounted by the Marcos security police. When the dictator relaxed martial-law restrictions on the freedom of assembly and called "elections" to the National Assembly on April 7, 1978 in order to touch up his tattered international image, the sight of the 200,000-person rallies that the anti-fascist movement was able to mount threw him into such panic that he totally undermined his propaganda objectives by violently beating down the people and even imprisoning the anti-fascist candidates.

In 1966, Jose Maria Sison asserted that the challenge to his generation was "to have the idea of the national-democratic revolution transformed into a material force." Thirteen years later, the idea of national democracy has become an overwhelming reality. The creative and bold use of revolutionary theory combined with courageous and determined practice has made the National Democratic Front a material force cutting across all progressive social classes and extending from the far northern province of Cagayan to the far southern province of Davao del Sur. The fact that the repression of martial law has spurred the geometric growth of the movement since 1972 assures us that revolutionary theory has indeed become an invincible force rooted in increasing numbers of the Filipino masses.

To conclude, the consistent employment of theory to guide practice and practice to enrich revolutionary theory has been one of the principal strengths of the Philippine Revolution. Perhaps, no documents illustrates this dialectical relationship more clearly than Philippine Society and Revolution and Specific Characteristics of Our People's War. We in the International Association of Filipino Patriots are proud in offering to the international public these two major works from the theoretical arsenal of the Philippine Revolution.

Author's Introduction

Philippine Society and Revolution is an attempt to present in a comprehensive way from the standpoint of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought the main strands of Philippine history, the basic problem of the Filipino people, the prevailing social structure and the strategy and tactics and class logic of the revolutionary solution - which is the people's democratic revolution.

This book serves to explain why the Communist Party of the Philippines has been reestablished to arouse and mobilize the broad masses of the people, chiefly the oppressed and exploited workers and peasants, against U.S. imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat capitalism now regnant in the present semicolonial and semifeudal society.

Philippine Society and Revolution can be used as a primer and can be studied in three consecutive or separate days by those interested in knowing the truth about the Philippines and in fighting for the genuine national and democratic interests of the entire Filipino people. The author offers this book as a starting point for every patriot in the land to make further class analysis and social investigation as the basis for concrete and sustained revolutionary action.

Amado Guerrero
Chairman, Central Committee
Communist Party of the Philippines

July 30, 1970

nindot ni bro..pero nadugay kog human og basa..hehehhe

simple raman unta ning problemaha og nagkinahanglan og simpleng solusyon..
kahibalo ka kinsa nafud maka benifit aning revolusyon?ang kontra partidos napud sa gobyerno..
akoang opinyon or let's day pangagpas nako sa ubang nahitabo diri..nagamit intawon ning mga tawhana sa pamultika sa ubang politiko para madaot ang administrasyon..
\I'll bet basaha ning libroha...og makita ba nato nga nagkausa ang nagdumala sa rebelyon?
wala ngano man?kay naay nagkalain-laing grupo sa tawo nga pagpahumot gamit ang mga tawo nga na agrabyado sa gobyerno...communist party sa pilipinas?dili lang ko mag tell ug pila ka mga politiko karon og nanglabay na nga nagpahimulos sa influence aning grupoha...nganong wal aman mo magtukod og grupo sa mindanao?kadagahang tawo na agrabyado ngadto dibah?nganong mga bandidong grupo raman ang naa ngadto?ngano man?kay unsay makuha nila ngadto nga ang luwag naa man sa Luzon....ang MILF kontrolado sa gobyerno hasta na ang ASG..laktud nga pagka-estorya
gi drama lang tang mga tawo....giilugan ang kita sa atoang singot...sa panahon ni marcos ang mga tawo nga pobre makakaon pa og katulo sa usa ka adlaw kay sa kadaghan sa resources..pagkahuman sa pag-alsa sa tawo?pila karon sa probinsya ang nagkinahanglan og yuta nga dapat maumahan nila?
kaming mga katawhan sa Pinas..ang amoang gi syagit ang amoang saktong kapuy-an,makaon,seguridad sa pamilya,og trabaho...asa naman?pila na ka rally nabuhat namo,pila na ka dugo ang nangausik sa amoang kaliwat og paglaom nga nagdag-om?pila na katuig nagamit ninyo ang katawhan nga murag itoy nga sunod2x sa panon?miasenso ba mi?
sa simpleng panabot sa usa ka kabus sa pag-apil sa people's power nga mausab ang gobyerno para mas maharuhay ang kinabuhi..pero unsa?misamot naman hinuon ming pobre ka pobre....
communista?unsay ikahatag ninyo?mao niy pangutana sa usa ka pobreng juan
pila pa kabuok libro ang amoang basahon og pila pa kabuok people's power amoang pakamatyan para moasenso ang pilipinas og amoang pamilya?pagkabalik sa demokrasya after pag peoples power?miasenso ba kita?nausab ba ang atoang estado sa nasud tibuok asya?miasenso ba hasta ang tawo?wala gigamit lang ta....laktod nga pagka estorya laing napud ang vampira ang naka-pahimulos..another peoples power napud?unsa napud klaseng vampira ang manupsop sa duso ni juan dela cruz?



opininyon lang po..peace!!!

[unsay_ngalan_nimo]

i used to like Guerrero... but then i matured and grew up... and that made all the difference...