Federalism. Is it worth fighting for?

[jdbebz]

---

it is worth fighting . for kung si duterte ang mudala. para man jud sa pag babago.
.
. RoRo ka TS ?

[<SMILE>]

Who will lead Mindanao if federalism would push through,
The Muslims or the Christians?
maorag gubot pa, okay ra ang Visayas ug Luzon.

[divineskull]

si TS kay nag open ug topic about sa FEDERALISM.. with pros and cons.. and then murag ganahan siya e push ang cons sa federalism.. haha! alams ang moves.. let us look forward sa iyang pros or iyang nindot nga effect sa country than sa negative..

ing.ani ni siya.. pila na ta ka tuig, sigeg ka dungog anang mga promise nga wa didto ug wa diri.. balik balik nalang. pero ug maka daog, aw wa sa.. ilaha rang kinabuhi ang nahayahay..

its worth a try to have federalism sa atong country.. ang plataforma ni mayor duterte..
naa ra koy duha ka factors ngano Duterte ang akong butaran.
1. Federalism - lets try..
2. Aiming to have a Safe Country..
i dont know kung mahitabo jud ni, pero ato e try kung ma president na si duterte..
dapat ang mga criminal ang mahadlok sa mga taw, dili kay ang mga taw ang mahadlok sa mga criminal..

mostly parents that think for the safety of their families, especially sa future sa ilang children.. na safe ilang future nga lugar..
they choose Duterte..

mao nga Duterte ta! Bisaya Na Pod!

[bungot25]

yea its a good system but it has some downsides.

[yonnis1980]

Who will lead Mindanao if federalism would push through,
The Muslims or the Christians?
maorag gubot pa, okay ra ang Visayas ug Luzon.

gubot bitaw dihas mindanao, ngano kaha noh?

personally, akong best friend is muslim baya. ok man among friendship, tested over the years.

[<SMILE>]

gubot bitaw dihas mindanao, ngano kaha noh?

personally, akong best friend is muslim baya. ok man among friendship, tested over the years.

Tribal groups on the other hand became a principal target for American Protestant missionaries. As one consequence of this attitude, American colonial administrators tended to conglomerate various Muslim ethnolinguistic groups under the single label "Moro" rather than focusing on the "tribal" divisions among them.

Demographic data from a single municipality--Kapatagan-- in the province of Lanao del Norte in central Mindanao illustrate the scale of the post-war influx of Christian migrants. There were about 24 Christian settlers in the Kapatagan area in 1918. By 1941 their number had risen to 8,000 and by 1960 there were a total of 93,000 immigrants. By 1960, Christian immigrants vastly outnumbered the 7,000 indigenous Muslims still living in the area (Hausherr 1968/69 quoted in Thomas 1971:317). The demographic shift throughout Muslim Mindanao in the post-war years, while not as dramatic as in Kapatagan, was equally momentous. The population of Central Mindanao, the area which saw the highest overall Christian immigration, soared from 0.7 million persons in 1948 to an estimated 2.3 million persons in 1970; representing a growth rate of 229 per cent as compared with the national figure of just under 100 per cent (Burley 1973).

While the scale of Christian immigration to Muslim Mindanao caused inevitable dislocations, the manner of its occurrence also produced glaring disparities between Christian settlers and Muslim farmers. From 1935 onward, the successive administrations of the Philippine Common*wealth and Republic provided steadily more oppor*tunities and assistance to settlers from the North. By contrast, the government services available to Muslims were not only meager compared to those obtained by immigrant Christians but were also fewer than they had received under the colonial regime. The land laws of the postcolonial government defined all unregistered lands in Mindanao to be public land or military reservations (Gowing 1979). Unfamiliar with the procedures or deterred by the years of uncertain*ty, the steep processing fees, and the requirement to pay taxes during the interim, many Muslims neither applied for the new lands opened up by government-funded road construc*tion nor filed for legal title to the land they currently occupied (Thomas 1971). For their part, officials and employees of the Bureau of Lands (virtually all of them Christians) were at best inattentive to Muslims. By contrast, Christian settlers regularly obtained legal owner*ship of the best newly opened lands as well as crop loans and other forms of government assistance. The new Christian communities became linked to trade centers and to one another by networks of roads while Muslim communities remained relatively isolated.

Most rural Muslims found themselves peripheralized in place as a result of the maneuverings of Christian settlers and speculators. Others, however, were physically dispossessed of their lands. The Bureau of Lands recognized land rights on the basis of priority of claim filed, not priority of occupation

As early as 1954 the economic disparities between Philippine Muslims and Christians generated by Christian migration to the Muslim South were already becoming conspicuous. The Philippine Congress, prompted by an intensification of Muslim "banditry" in Mindanao and Sulu, appointed a Special Committee to investigate the causes of those disparities and their possible solutions

The committee adopted the colonial discourse of Muslim backwardness and guided integration in its report. The report acknowledged the poverty plaguing Philippine Muslims but ignored the evidence linking the relative impoverishment of Muslims to Christian in-migration and blamed only Muslim culture for Muslim poverty: "In their ignorance and in their trend toward religious fanaticism, the Muslims are sadly wanting in the advantages of normal health and social factors and functions" (Congress of the Philippines, House of Representatives, 1955 quoted in Glang 1969:35). The Special Committee recommended the creation of the CNI (above). By relying on the CNI's college scholarship program as the principal policy instrument to effect integration, the postcolonial Philippine government continued the practice first established during the American period of "developing" Philippine Muslims not by providing them the material resources of the West but by endeavoring to remove (by the selective provision of university educations) the cultural disabilities perceived to be impeding their advancement and, indirectly, that of the Philippine Nation.

It should not be surprising that such efforts at integration by means of removing alleged deficiencies were mostly failures. In the case of Muslim CNI scholars, those efforts actually appear to have backfired. To illustrate the perverse effects of the CNI scholarships we need look no further than the most famous of the CNI alumni, Nur Misuari, the founder of the MNLF and presently governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Misuari was not the only young Philippine Muslim politicized by his time spent as a university student on a CNI scholarship. The shared experiences of the more than 8,000 Muslim CNI scholars studying in Manila between 1958 and 1967 profoundly affected Muslim politics after 1968. Much of their political education was gained outside university lecture halls from observing and participating in campus political activism. They also experienced at first hand the magnitude of popular anti-Muslim bias in the national capital and, after the election of Ferdinand Marcos as President of the Republic in 1965, witnessed an increasing antagonism toward Muslims by the same Christian-dominated state that had provided them scholarships. By 1968, the CNI scholarship program had unintentionally created a group of young Muslim intellectuals schooled in political activism and able to articulate the frustrations both of Muslim students disaffected by their encounters with Christian cultural hegemony in Manila and of peripheralized Philippine Muslims in general. Their political efforts eventually led, in 1971, to the formation of the underground Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) headed by Nur Misuari. With the declaration of martial law by President Marcos in 1972 the MNLF began an armed separatist insurgency against the Philippine state.
The Origins of the Muslim Separatist Movement in the Philippines | Asia Society

They already have that mindset before long time ago that they own Mindanao,
but the progression of events and government legal tendencies settlers owned a big chunk of land in Mindanao.
Mao na ang mga muslim moingon na sila ug imo ang titulo pero akoa ang yuta.

Now with the evolution of events, one could mention, Surigao, Davao, Cagayan de Oro, Agusan, etc and Christian will come directly to mind and not really Muslim domination. Can these areas in Mindanao tolerant enough to be governed under Muslim and Sharia Laws? I think that would be next to impossibilities.

I have also a lot of Muslim friends, the peaceful minded and educated ones, they care less about the separatist issue in Mindanao, the main reason is that according to them it will only prosper the cause and the greed of the few not really for the entire Muslim race in Mindanao as a whole. But I know my friends did not represent the majority who wishes to have a separate state.

[yonnis1980]

Tribal groups on the other hand became a principal target for American Protestant missionaries. As one consequence of this attitude, American colonial administrators tended to conglomerate various Muslim ethnolinguistic groups under the single label "Moro" rather than focusing on the "tribal" divisions among them.

Demographic data from a single municipality--Kapatagan-- in the province of Lanao del Norte in central Mindanao illustrate the scale of the post-war influx of Christian migrants. There were about 24 Christian settlers in the Kapatagan area in 1918. By 1941 their number had risen to 8,000 and by 1960 there were a total of 93,000 immigrants. By 1960, Christian immigrants vastly outnumbered the 7,000 indigenous Muslims still living in the area (Hausherr 1968/69 quoted in Thomas 1971:317). The demographic shift throughout Muslim Mindanao in the post-war years, while not as dramatic as in Kapatagan, was equally momentous. The population of Central Mindanao, the area which saw the highest overall Christian immigration, soared from 0.7 million persons in 1948 to an estimated 2.3 million persons in 1970; representing a growth rate of 229 per cent as compared with the national figure of just under 100 per cent (Burley 1973).

While the scale of Christian immigration to Muslim Mindanao caused inevitable dislocations, the manner of its occurrence also produced glaring disparities between Christian settlers and Muslim farmers. From 1935 onward, the successive administrations of the Philippine Common*wealth and Republic provided steadily more oppor*tunities and assistance to settlers from the North. By contrast, the government services available to Muslims were not only meager compared to those obtained by immigrant Christians but were also fewer than they had received under the colonial regime. The land laws of the postcolonial government defined all unregistered lands in Mindanao to be public land or military reservations (Gowing 1979). Unfamiliar with the procedures or deterred by the years of uncertain*ty, the steep processing fees, and the requirement to pay taxes during the interim, many Muslims neither applied for the new lands opened up by government-funded road construc*tion nor filed for legal title to the land they currently occupied (Thomas 1971). For their part, officials and employees of the Bureau of Lands (virtually all of them Christians) were at best inattentive to Muslims. By contrast, Christian settlers regularly obtained legal owner*ship of the best newly opened lands as well as crop loans and other forms of government assistance. The new Christian communities became linked to trade centers and to one another by networks of roads while Muslim communities remained relatively isolated.

Most rural Muslims found themselves peripheralized in place as a result of the maneuverings of Christian settlers and speculators. Others, however, were physically dispossessed of their lands. The Bureau of Lands recognized land rights on the basis of priority of claim filed, not priority of occupation

As early as 1954 the economic disparities between Philippine Muslims and Christians generated by Christian migration to the Muslim South were already becoming conspicuous. The Philippine Congress, prompted by an intensification of Muslim "banditry" in Mindanao and Sulu, appointed a Special Committee to investigate the causes of those disparities and their possible solutions

The committee adopted the colonial discourse of Muslim backwardness and guided integration in its report. The report acknowledged the poverty plaguing Philippine Muslims but ignored the evidence linking the relative impoverishment of Muslims to Christian in-migration and blamed only Muslim culture for Muslim poverty: "In their ignorance and in their trend toward religious fanaticism, the Muslims are sadly wanting in the advantages of normal health and social factors and functions" (Congress of the Philippines, House of Representatives, 1955 quoted in Glang 1969:35). The Special Committee recommended the creation of the CNI (above). By relying on the CNI's college scholarship program as the principal policy instrument to effect integration, the postcolonial Philippine government continued the practice first established during the American period of "developing" Philippine Muslims not by providing them the material resources of the West but by endeavoring to remove (by the selective provision of university educations) the cultural disabilities perceived to be impeding their advancement and, indirectly, that of the Philippine Nation.

It should not be surprising that such efforts at integration by means of removing alleged deficiencies were mostly failures. In the case of Muslim CNI scholars, those efforts actually appear to have backfired. To illustrate the perverse effects of the CNI scholarships we need look no further than the most famous of the CNI alumni, Nur Misuari, the founder of the MNLF and presently governor of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Misuari was not the only young Philippine Muslim politicized by his time spent as a university student on a CNI scholarship. The shared experiences of the more than 8,000 Muslim CNI scholars studying in Manila between 1958 and 1967 profoundly affected Muslim politics after 1968. Much of their political education was gained outside university lecture halls from observing and participating in campus political activism. They also experienced at first hand the magnitude of popular anti-Muslim bias in the national capital and, after the election of Ferdinand Marcos as President of the Republic in 1965, witnessed an increasing antagonism toward Muslims by the same Christian-dominated state that had provided them scholarships. By 1968, the CNI scholarship program had unintentionally created a group of young Muslim intellectuals schooled in political activism and able to articulate the frustrations both of Muslim students disaffected by their encounters with Christian cultural hegemony in Manila and of peripheralized Philippine Muslims in general. Their political efforts eventually led, in 1971, to the formation of the underground Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) headed by Nur Misuari. With the declaration of martial law by President Marcos in 1972 the MNLF began an armed separatist insurgency against the Philippine state.
The Origins of the Muslim Separatist Movement in the Philippines | Asia Society

They already have that mindset before long time ago that they own Mindanao,
but the progression of events and government legal tendencies settlers owned a big chunk of land in Mindanao.
Mao na ang mga muslim moingon na sila ug imo ang titulo pero akoa ang yuta.

Now with the evolution of events, one could mention, Surigao, Davao, Cagayan de Oro, Agusan, etc and Christian will come directly to mind and not really Muslim domination. Can these areas in Mindanao tolerant enough to be governed under Muslim and Sharia Laws? I think that would be next to impossibilities.

I have also a lot of Muslim friends, the peaceful minded and educated ones, they care less about the separatist issue in Mindanao, the main reason is that according to them it will only prosper the cause and the greed of the few not really for the entire Muslim race in Mindanao as a whole. But I know my friends did not represent the majority who wishes to have a separate state.

unsa gani nang CNI boss?

[<SMILE>]

unsa gani nang CNI boss?

Kuan na siya Boss,
Commission on National Integration.

[yonnis1980]

Kuan na siya Boss,
Commission on National Integration.

nya masulbad ni nga issue sa Federalism?

[<SMILE>]

nya masulbad ni nga issue sa Federalism?

Sa ako lang pinobre nga punto,
maorag dili masulbad, mosamot na hinoon, loosen control of a rebellious group is not really a good idea.
Way back 1946 when the Americans granted us independence, there was a strong objection by the Muslims for the inclusion of Mindanao into the Republic of the Philippines, a strong indication that they wanted the entire Mindanao as per ancestral claim. Then what about the Christians in Mindanao?. Granting the pass of federalism would only give them a foothold in fostering their claim.