MERGED: RP-China Territorial Dispute, Related Events and Updates

[bleedingboi]

[Vino Kid]

Bagong Alyansang Makabayan (English: New Patriotic Alliance) or Bayan is a leftist political coalition in the Philippines. Bayan is associated with political parties Alliance of Concerned Teachers, Anakpawis, Bayan Muna, Gabriela Women's party, and Kabataan

mga NPA

[M.A.D.]

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kamo ba mura man mo just know.... basin naka limot mo sa panultihon nga...

DONT BITE THE HANDS THAT FEEDS YOU...

FYI: China used to supply NPA with weapons during the 70s, and dont forget MV Karagatan, which was intercepted by the Navy during the 70's that is supposed to delivered hundreds of weapon...

OT: so sa mga yellow fanatic if i weren't for mcoy we are already over-run...



Source: Ex-communist leader gets sentimental as divers find sunken ship | GulfNews.com


also FYI: satur ocampo is a known NPA

[<SMILE>]

Maayo pa ang leftist sa US kay Democratic,
ang dire sa ato kay communist gyud,
Maa maayo siguro ibalhin na sila ug China,
para wala nay mag-rally2x dire sa atoa.

[cobraKing]

pagkatambalolos ning bayan muna..mao ra jud ni sige ug samok2x sa mga kaauhan sa nasod..

[mAlD|tO]

violets are blue..reds are reds!! f#$ reds! sa may bag-o ani nila wala mani sila naka pusta sa ato-a e baligya manta ani nila sa mga insik!

[Verst Eltone]

Now they are showing their true color, murag tubag ni sa ilang gitawag ug kilusan not for poor filipinos but kilusan for communism!!

[æRLO]

This is a nice read. Quite relevant to the topic about Filipino Commies and Mao's China. It really enforces the idea that Marcos' Martial Law was justified, contrary to what our yellow brothers and sisters decry. Mao was actively aiding the Commie insurgents in trying to usurp control of the Philippines centered around and during the First Quarter Storm.

How NPA guerrillas lost China's support

Posted 03:08am (Mla time) Mar 29, 2005
By Ricardo Malay
Inquirer News Service



Editor's Note: Published on page A1 of the Mar. 29, 2005 issue of the Philippine Daily Inquirer


(Editor's Note: The author, a staff member of the pre-martial law Manila Chronicle, was involved in the Communist Party of the Philippines' arms procurement mission to China during the Marcos dictatorship.)

THREE years after the New People's Army founding on March 29, 1969, Communist Party of the Philippines chair Jose Ma. “Joma” Sison decided to send a delegation to China on an arms procurement mission for the NPA. He needed no persuading that the Chinese military aid would fast-track the Maoist revolution that he was credited with single-handedly bringing into existence.

The deployment of our mission was to reveal fault lines rippling beneath the façade of China's leadership.

Under the helm of Mao Zedong, China in the 1970s had pledged to support wars of national liberation then raging in Third World countries. Shortly after his second term began, President Ferdinand Marcos, who had campaigned with the battle cry, "This Nation Shall Be Great Again," began
adopting repressive measures against the mounting opposition in a bid to entrench himself in power. When the NPA fired the first shot of the revolution to challenge the growing dictatorship, China lost no time in throwing its support behind the Maoist rebels.

As a further sign of his sympathy for the insurgency, Mao approved the coming of the CPP mission in a letter to Sison relayed through Kang Sheng, the most powerful member of the Chinese Communist Party's politburo. "People of the World Unite and Defeat US Imperialism and Its Running Dogs!" was the ideological mantra being beamed from China at the time.

Days after our three-man delegation arrived in Beijing, we were officially welcomed by the CPP politburo that hailed our mission as one of the Filipino people's "first steps in their Long March to national freedom and democracy." The official who represented Mao was Geng Biao, the minister for the agency in charge of China's relations with global revolutionary movements. Geng was congenial, but after the customary exchange of pleasantries, he quickly turned solemn.

Zhou's concerns

Premier Zhou Enlai, according to Geng, wanted to relay his concerns about our mission. Zhou, the voice of tact and moderation in Chinese politics and diplomacy, had stressed that "revolutionaries should stay in their own country" and practice self-reliance. It was Zhou's subtle way of saying he disagreed with Mao's doctrine of giving China's unconditional support to revolutions wherever they occurred. Zhou was in fact conveying the message that the Filipinos shouldn't have come seeking military supplies from them; and more important, revolutionaries should fight their battles alone but with China's moral support.

Geng, a Long March veteran who later became defense minister, also disclosed that the premier had reservations about bringing our children with us to Beijing. Aside from my two daughters and the son of mission leader Ibarra Tubianosa, Sison's three children had tagged along with our group. Joma wanted his two daughters and son to be out of harm's way, after his brother Francisco and his wife's brother-in-law, Carlos del Rosario, disappeared without a trace in early January 1971.

At the same time, Zhou was concerned that our passage through the clandestine Macao border would offend the Portuguese authorities who had been extremely cooperative in cementing close ties with China. Previous Sison emissaries had "indiscriminately" used the Macao route, the premier noted. We were also reminded not to involve the Chinese-Filipino community "too much" in revolutionary activities.

That meeting afforded us our first glimpse of the contentious issues roiling Chinese politics.

US-China relations began to mend in 1971 when American ping-pong players pitted skills with their Chinese counterparts in Beijing. In the spring of 1972, US President Richard Nixon received an invitation to visit China to put an end to a Sino-American relationship that had remained buried in permafrost since the Cold War began. Hundreds of journalists from all over the world would cover the historic event, but none from the Philippines.

The idea lit a bulb in my mind: Why not wangle an invitation for a Filipino journalist to cover the Nixon visit? I had in mind Antonio Zumel (Ka Kaypee, for "katawang pang-romansa"), who had just warmed his seat as news editor of the Manila Daily Bulletin. Ibarra and I raised the matter with Gen. Ren Yungzhong, Geng's deputy. Not only did Ren agree. His government, he said, would shoulder Zumel's expenses in China on account of his progressive leanings. Thus was Philippine journalism represented in the history-making visit.

Arms shipments

In 1974, two years after the MV Karagatan failed to deliver the Chinese armaments it carried to an NPA enclave in Isabela province, our mission suffered another setback. Our next vessel, the MV Andrea, was on its way to the Sanya Naval Base to load hundreds of automatic rifles in sealed plastic tubes, when it was shipwrecked in the South China Sea.

The same year, the movement experienced a series of reverses, including the capture of several ranking leaders. Sison sent an SOS to China for cash assistance, as the inflow of financial donations was being disrupted by the revolution's bad hair days.

Geng quickly responded by approving the amount of $75,000. A courier arrived in Beijing using a passport bought from a counterfeit ring in Manila. Ibarra and I inserted the dollar bills, in crisp hundred-dollar denomination, in the bottom lining of a portable typewriter. Days after the courier left carrying the typewriter, we were informed through our emergency communication line that Sison had received the greenbacks safely.

The second tranche of financial aid, however, suffered a different fate. As no courier was available at the time, Sison activated Delia San Juan, a member of the anti-Marcos coalition in America, to pick up the money, also in the amount of $75,000, at the Chinese Embassy in Ottawa, Canada. With her US passport, it was thought Delia could enter the Philippines without a hitch.

Delia, the wife of activist-professor Epifanio San Juan Jr., traveled to the Chinese Embassy whose cultural attaché handed her several wads of dollar bills. Unbeknownst to her, her trip was being shadowed by the Canadian Royal Mounted Police working in tandem with the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

At the Niagara Falls border, an FBI team detained Delia and seized the funds hidden in her suitcase. She was charged with failing to declare the money as required by law.

So desperate

Upon learning of the incident, Geng sniffed that Sison had become so desperate as to choose an inexperienced courier that exposed China's funding of the Philippine armed struggle. For not only had the Americans taken the donated money, they confiscated letters from the Beijing-based mission addressed to Sison harshly criticizing him for a leadership crisis in the movement.

Having taken over as head of the mission, following Tubianosa's resignation, I thought it was imprudent to hand over duplicates of the incriminating letters to Geng, who had requested them for the "diplomatic struggle" Beijing had to wage in light of the border incident. The Canadian media played up the story but for some reason, it was ignored by American editors.

This and the Karagatan-Andrea failures moved Zhou's ally, senior Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping, who had been rehabilitated from his "revisionist crimes" to remark that "the Philippine comrades are very clumsy." This disconcerting tidbit was relayed to us by one of our interpreters.

But Sison wasn't one to be easily discouraged. He proposed another arms shipment, this time to be undertaken by a Chinese merchant ship that would drop packaged weapons off the Visayan coastline. A modified version of the Andrea expedition, his proposal didn't even pass our delegation's laugh test.

The proposal was bluntly rejected by General Ren, normally an avuncular man with engaging manners. "You have not summed up your lessons," he snapped at me.

Crossroads

With Deng taking over the functions of an ailing Zhou, China had reached the crossroads of its relations with the Philippine revolution. Would it continue Mao's seamless commitment to support the rebel movement that had given it nothing but headaches, or did its interest lie in forging diplomatic ties with a friendly Marcos regime that had earlier sent Imelda Marcos to Beijing on a charm offensive?

The problem was not easily resolved when a top Chinese leader met our mission, including its staff, to express sympathy for our setbacks. Vice Chair Wang Hongwen, later to be reviled as a member of the radical Gang of Four, assured us that "your victories are our victories, your defeats are our defeats." Such an assurance was music to Sison's ears. Wang, the youngest member of Jiang Qing's clique, was being groomed to succeed the bed-ridden Mao who was struggling with advancing Parkinson's disease.

When Mao died in 1976, the Gang of Four was arrested in a power struggle that saw an obscure Hunan official named Hua Guofeng taking over as party chair. But the inept Hua, who remained a hard-line Maoist at heart, was outflanked, outmaneuvered and outwitted by Deng. The pragmatic Chinese leader, who is best remembered for his creed -- "It doesn't matter whether a cat is black or white, so long as it catches mice" -- quickly took over from Hua. Thereafter, Deng presided over China's ground-breaking reforms, including a downgrading of ties to revolutionary movements.

Mission crumbles

With Deng, who was hard-wired to Zhou's moderate vision, in control of what was once touted as the center of world revolution, the arms procurement mission began to crumble. There would be no more Chinese weapons and funds forthcoming. Sino-Philippine diplomatic relations would be enhanced, and, most hurting of all, our delegation function would be downgraded to the banal task of briefing Beijing on Philippine political news.

Still, our privileges were left untouched. We continued to live in a spacious compound west of Beijing, served by attendants, a driver and a cook. One of our neighbors was Pol Pot, a regular Beijing guest who rarely stepped out of his villa, which stank with the aroma of his favorite durian. A Hongqi (Red Flag) limousine with two rows of passenger seats was at our beck and call in case we needed to go for consultations at the Army 301 Hospital where members of the political hierarchy were treated, or to the Friendship Store, where we would bump into Barbara Bush. The wife of the US liaison office envoy George Bush loved to pedal a bicycle from their nearby residence to the store.

Four years after our mission set up camp in Beijing, we decided it was time to live in a rural setting to salve the wounds of our aborted revolutionary tasks. Suddenly, a life devoted to planting rice and corn, tending chestnut and mandarin orange trees, and irrigating vegetable crops with buckets of sewage water held on both ends of a balancing pole became an invitation to settle down in a Hunan state farm. We came, we saw, and we conquered the Chinese countryside. It was a graceful descent to a brave new world of our own choosing.

(Postscript: San Juan won her lawsuit against the US government and recovered part of the money seized by the FBI. Zumel, who became head of the National Democratic Front, died of multiple organ failure in the Dutch city of Utrecht four years ago. Wang died of cancer and Jiang committed suicide in the 1990s after their death sentences as Gang of Four members were commuted to life imprisonment. Geng, one of the aging politicians who survived the infighting in the Chinese bureaucracy, is waiting out his twilight years in the comfort of his Beijing home.)

[Vietcong696]

Maayo pa ang leftist sa US kay Democratic,
ang dire sa ato kay communist gyud,
Maa maayo siguro ibalhin na sila ug China,
para wala nay mag-rally2x dire sa atoa.

Lahi ra ang centre-left sa far left dili ingon leftist kay communista daun

[<SMILE>]

Lahi ra ang centre-left sa far left dili ingon leftist kay communista daun

Unya ang NPA-NDF unsa man na sila,
moderate o extremely lefty's?